{"id":516,"date":"2026-04-30T08:00:38","date_gmt":"2026-04-30T08:00:38","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sosyolojikalan.com\/?p=516"},"modified":"2026-01-05T10:35:02","modified_gmt":"2026-01-05T10:35:02","slug":"neoliberalizmin-kisa-tarihi-david-harvey-kultur-medya-ve-ideoloji","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sosyolojikalan.com\/?p=516","title":{"rendered":"Neoliberalizmin K\u0131sa Tarihi-David Harvey (K\u00fclt\u00fcr, Medya ve \u0130deoloji)"},"content":{"rendered":"
“Neoliberalizm” kelimesini duydu\u011funuzda akl\u0131n\u0131za ne geliyor? Muhtemelen serbest piyasa ekonomisi, devletin k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fclmesi, bireysel \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckler ve giri\u015fimcilik ruhu gibi kavramlar canlan\u0131yordur. Bu kelime, son k\u0131rk y\u0131l\u0131n siyasi ve ekonomik tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131nda o kadar s\u0131k kullan\u0131ld\u0131 ki, anlam\u0131 adeta bu kavramlarla \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015fti.\u00a0<\/span>Ancak bu yayg\u0131n kan\u0131, hikayenin tamam\u0131n\u0131 anlatmaktan \u00e7ok uzak. Hatta bu ekonomik sistemin k\u00f6kenleri, as\u0131l hedefleri ve pratikteki i\u015fleyi\u015fi, genel kabul\u00fcn tam tersi y\u00f6nlere i\u015faret ediyor. David Harvey’in ufuk a\u00e7\u0131c\u0131 eseri “Neoliberalizmin K\u0131sa Tarihi”ne g\u00f6re, bu model ne bir ekonomik zorunluluktu ne de vaat etti\u011fi \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc s\u0131radan insanlar i\u00e7in getirdi. Bu, sava\u015f sonras\u0131 d\u00f6nemde piyasa g\u00fc\u00e7lerini tam istihdam ve kamu refah\u0131 gibi sosyal ve siyasi \u00f6nceliklerle dengeleyen “g\u00f6m\u00fcl\u00fc liberalizm” anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131ndan radikal bir kopu\u015ftu.\u00a0<\/span>Bu yaz\u0131da, Harvey’in analizlerinden yola \u00e7\u0131karak neoliberalizm hakk\u0131ndaki en sars\u0131c\u0131 ve beklenmedik be\u015f ger\u00e7e\u011fi mercek alt\u0131na alaca\u011f\u0131z. Kemerlerinizi ba\u011flay\u0131n, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc bildi\u011finizi sand\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131z her \u015fey de\u011fi\u015fmek \u00fczere.<\/span><\/div>\n
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1. Bir Ekonomik Zorunluluk De\u011fil, Bir S\u0131n\u0131f G\u00fcc\u00fc Restorasyon Projesiydi<\/b><\/div>\n
Genel kan\u0131, neoliberal politikalar\u0131n 1970’lerdeki ekonomik krize (y\u00fcksek enflasyon ve i\u015fsizli\u011fin birle\u015fimi olan “stagflasyon”) kar\u015f\u0131 geli\u015ftirilmi\u015f ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz bir teknik \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm oldu\u011fudur. Ancak Harvey, bunun bir yan\u0131lsama oldu\u011funu savunur. Ona g\u00f6re neoliberalizm, ekonomik bir zorunluluktan \u00e7ok, se\u00e7kinlerin kaybettikleri g\u00fcc\u00fc ve serveti geri almak i\u00e7in ba\u015flatt\u0131klar\u0131 bilin\u00e7li bir siyasi projeydi.\u00a0<\/span>1970’lerdeki kriz, se\u00e7kinler i\u00e7in sadece ekonomik bir yava\u015flama de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda ciddi bir “siyasi ve ekonomik tehdit” idi. Sava\u015f sonras\u0131 d\u00f6nemde sendikalar\u0131n ve i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n g\u00fcc\u00fc artm\u0131\u015f, \u00fcst s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n toplam gelirden ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 pay ciddi \u015fekilde azalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Ancak as\u0131l varolu\u015fsal tehdit, servetlerinin erimesiydi. 1970’lerde en tepedeki %1’lik kesimin toplam servetten ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 pay “ba\u015f d\u00f6nd\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fc bir h\u0131zla \u00e7ak\u0131ld\u0131”. Bu, bir gelir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnden \u00e7ok daha fazlas\u0131yd\u0131; y\u00f6netici s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n temel varl\u0131k taban\u0131n\u0131 “siyasi ve ekonomik bir yok olu\u015ftan” koruma m\u00fccadelesiydi.\u00a0<\/span>Rakamlar bu restorasyon projesinin ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 net bir \u015fekilde ortaya koyuyor:<\/span><\/div>\n
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\u2022\u00a0<\/span>ABD’de en \u00fcst %1’lik gelir grubunun ulusal gelirden ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 pay, II. D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 \u00f6ncesindeki %16 seviyesinden 1970’lere gelindi\u011finde %8’in alt\u0131na d\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc.<\/span><\/div>\n
\u2022\u00a0<\/span>Neoliberal politikalar\u0131n (vergi indirimleri, sendikalar\u0131n g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn k\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131, \u00f6zelle\u015ftirmeler) uygulanmas\u0131ndan sonra bu oran yeniden t\u0131rman\u0131\u015fa ge\u00e7ti ve y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n sonunda %15’e ula\u015ft\u0131.<\/span><\/div>\n
\u2022\u00a0<\/span>Bir CEO’nun maa\u015f\u0131n\u0131n ortalama bir i\u015f\u00e7inin \u00fccretine oran\u0131 1970’te 30’a 1 iken, bu oran 2000 y\u0131l\u0131na gelindi\u011finde 500’e 1’e f\u0131rlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/span><\/div>\n
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Bu veriler \u0131\u015f\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, ekonomistler G\u00e9rard Dum\u00e9nil ve Dominique L\u00e9vy’nin \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131 inceleyen Harvey, neoliberalizmin en ba\u015f\u0131ndan beri s\u0131n\u0131f g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn restorasyonunu hedefleyen bir siyasi proje oldu\u011fu sonucuna var\u0131yor.\u00a0<\/span>Peki, bu iddial\u0131 proje nas\u0131l me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lacakt\u0131? Sadece ekonomi politikalar\u0131 yeterli de\u011fildi; evrensel olarak \u00e7ekici, g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir fikre ihtiya\u00e7 vard\u0131. Neoliberal d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin dehas\u0131, “\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck” dilini ele ge\u00e7irip onu piyasa i\u00e7in bir silaha d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmek oldu.<\/span><\/div>\n
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2. Vadetti\u011fi “\u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck” Sizin \u0130\u00e7in De\u011fil, Piyasa \u0130\u00e7indi<\/b><\/div>\n
Neoliberalizmin en etkili silahlar\u0131ndan biri, “\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck”, “bireysellik” ve “se\u00e7im hakk\u0131” gibi evrensel olarak pozitif kar\u015f\u0131lanan kavramlar\u0131 sahiplenmesidir. Ancak neoliberalizm, bu “\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck” idealini al\u0131p tamamen d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrd\u00fc.\u00a0<\/span>Bu yeni tan\u0131mda \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck; bireyin toplumsal, siyasi ve ki\u015fisel olarak kendini ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirme \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnden ziyade, piyasan\u0131n ve \u015firketlerin \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc anlam\u0131na geliyordu. \u0130fade \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc veya bask\u0131dan kurtulma \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc de\u011fil; “s\u00f6zle\u015fme ili\u015fkileri” kurma \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ve sermayenin k\u0131s\u0131tlamas\u0131z hareket etme \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc \u00f6n plana \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131ld\u0131. Bireyin \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, piyasada bir t\u00fcketici olarak se\u00e7im yapma \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne indirgendi.\u00a0<\/span>K\u00fclt\u00fcr ele\u015ftirmeni Matthew Arnold’un bu konudaki uyar\u0131s\u0131 olduk\u00e7a d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fcd\u00fcr: “<\/span>…\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck binmek i\u00e7in \u00e7ok iyi bir att\u0131r, ama bir yere gitmek i\u00e7in”.\u00a0<\/span>Neoliberalizmin sundu\u011fu \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck at\u0131, bizi toplumsal refaha de\u011fil, piyasa mant\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n hakim oldu\u011fu bir hedefe g\u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fcyordu. Bu “piyasa \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc” anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n en \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 modern \u00f6rneklerinden birini, ABD Ba\u015fkan\u0131 George W. Bush’un Irak i\u015fgalini me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131rma \u00e7abas\u0131nda g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz. Kitle imha silahlar\u0131 gibi sava\u015f\u0131 hakl\u0131 \u00e7\u0131karmak i\u00e7in \u00f6ne s\u00fcr\u00fclen di\u011fer t\u00fcm nedenlerin dayanaks\u0131z oldu\u011fu kan\u0131tland\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, ba\u015fkan geriye kalan son pa\u00e7avra arg\u00fcmana sar\u0131ld\u0131: “Irak’a \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck getirmek.” Bu, her t\u00fcrl\u00fc eylemi me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131rabilen, i\u00e7i bo\u015falt\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck tan\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n retorik g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc g\u00f6zler \u00f6n\u00fcne seriyordu.<\/span><\/div>\n
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3. Teori “K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck Devlet” Derken, Pratik G\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ve M\u00fcdahaleci Bir Devlet Gerektirdi<\/b><\/div>\n
Neoliberal teorinin temel vaatlerinden biri, devletin ekonomiden elini ete\u011fini \u00e7ekmesidir. Ancak pratikte ya\u015fananlar, bu teorinin tam tersini kan\u0131tlad\u0131. Neoliberalizm, ancak ve ancak g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc, merkeziyet\u00e7i ve yeri geldi\u011finde otoriter bir devlet m\u00fcdahalesiyle hayata ge\u00e7irilebildi. Devlet k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fclmedi, temelden\u00a0<\/span>yeniden yap\u0131land\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131<\/i>.\u00a0<\/span>Bu \u00e7eli\u015fkiyi g\u00f6steren somut \u00f6rnekler olduk\u00e7a fazlad\u0131r:<\/span><\/div>\n
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\u2022\u00a0<\/span>\u015eili:<\/b>\u00a0Neoliberalizmin ilk b\u00fcy\u00fck laboratuvar\u0131 olan \u015eili’de bu politikalar, General Pinochet’nin kanl\u0131 askeri darbesi sonras\u0131 uygulanabildi. Darbe, sol hareketleri, sendikalar\u0131 ve halk \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmelerini \u015fiddetle bast\u0131rarak piyasay\u0131 “\u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015ftirdi”.<\/span><\/div>\n
\u2022\u00a0<\/span>\u0130ngiltere:<\/b>\u00a0Margaret Thatcher, madenci grevleri ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere sendikalar\u0131n g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc k\u0131rmak i\u00e7in devletin t\u00fcm zor ayg\u0131tlar\u0131n\u0131 (polis g\u00fcc\u00fc, yasalar, mahkemeler) sonuna kadar kulland\u0131.<\/span><\/div>\n
\u2022\u00a0<\/span>ABD:<\/b>\u00a0Ronald Reagan, PATCO (hava trafik kontrol\u00f6rleri) grevini k\u0131rarak \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc eme\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131 topyek\u00fbn bir sald\u0131r\u0131 ba\u015flatt\u0131. Bu, devletin piyasaya de\u011fil, eme\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131 ne kadar m\u00fcdahaleci olabilece\u011finin simgesiydi.<\/span><\/div>\n
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Devletin rol\u00fcndeki en \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm ise finansal krizlere m\u00fcdahale \u015feklinde oldu. Bu noktada klasik liberalizm ile neoliberalizm aras\u0131ndaki temel bir fark ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar:<\/span><\/div>\n
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\u2022\u00a0<\/span>Klasik\u00a0<\/span>liberalizmde<\/b>, k\u00f6t\u00fc yat\u0131r\u0131m kararlar\u0131ndan do\u011fan zararlar\u0131 bor\u00e7 verenler (bankalar, yat\u0131r\u0131mc\u0131lar) \u00fcstlenir.<\/span><\/div>\n
\u2022\u00a0<\/span>Neoliberalizmde<\/b> ise devlet ve uluslararas\u0131 kurumlar (IMF gibi), halk\u0131n refah\u0131 \u00fczerindeki sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 ne olursa olsun, bor\u00e7lular\u0131 geri \u00f6deme maliyetini \u00fcstlenmeye zorlar. 1982 Meksika bor\u00e7 krizinde, New York bankalar\u0131n\u0131n batmas\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6nlemek i\u00e7in Meksika halk\u0131 kemer s\u0131kma politikalar\u0131yla cezaland\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131 ve bankalar devlet g\u00fcc\u00fcyle kurtar\u0131ld\u0131.\u00a0<\/span>Neoliberal devletin tan\u0131mlay\u0131c\u0131 \u00f6zelli\u011fi b\u00fcy\u00fckl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc de\u011fil, sadakatidir. Bu devlet, sistematik olarak vatanda\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n refah\u0131 yerine finansal kurumlar\u0131n ve tahvil sahiplerinin b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc \u00f6nceliklendirir. Bu, sava\u015f sonras\u0131 “g\u00f6m\u00fcl\u00fc liberalizm” uzla\u015f\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n tam tersidir.<\/span><\/div>\n
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4. Yeni Servet Yaratmad\u0131, “M\u00fclks\u00fczle\u015ftirme” Yoluyla Serveti Yeniden Da\u011f\u0131tt\u0131<\/b><\/div>\n
Neoliberalizmin ekonomik b\u00fcy\u00fcmeyi art\u0131rarak herkes i\u00e7in yeni bir zenginlik yarataca\u011f\u0131 iddia edilirdi. Harvey’e g\u00f6re ise, bu d\u00f6nemin temel servet birikim mekanizmas\u0131 \u00fcretim art\u0131\u015f\u0131ndan \u00e7ok, “m\u00fclks\u00fczle\u015ftirme yoluyla birikim” oldu. Bu, tarafs\u0131z bir transfer de\u011fil, y\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131 bir el koyma s\u00fcrecidir.\u00a0<\/span>“M\u00fclks\u00fczle\u015ftirme yoluyla birikim”, basit\u00e7e varl\u0131klar\u0131n, haklar\u0131n ve servetin bir gruptan (genellikle halk, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck \u00fcreticiler) al\u0131n\u0131p ba\u015fka bir gruba (\u015firketler, finansal se\u00e7kinler) aktar\u0131lmas\u0131d\u0131r. \u0130\u015fte bu ya\u011fman\u0131n baz\u0131 mekanizmalar\u0131:<\/span><\/div>\n
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\u2022\u00a0<\/span>\u00d6zelle\u015ftirme:<\/b> Kamu varl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n (enerji, telekom\u00fcnikasyon, konut) \u00f6zel \u015firketlere, genellikle yok pahas\u0131na sat\u0131lmas\u0131d\u0131r. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7, devlet g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc kullanarak kamu servetini \u00f6zel ellere aktar\u0131r ve bir gecede yeni bir oligark s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 yarat\u0131r. Thatcher’\u0131n Britanya’da kamu konutlar\u0131n\u0131 satmas\u0131, uzun vadede konut spek\u00fclasyonunu k\u00f6r\u00fckledi ve d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck gelirli insanlar\u0131 \u015fehir merkezlerinden d\u0131\u015far\u0131 itti.\u00a0<\/span>\u2022\u00a0<\/span>Toprak Haklar\u0131n\u0131n Ticarile\u015ftirilmesi:<\/b>\u00a0Meksika’da\u00a0<\/span>ejido<\/i>\u00a0ad\u0131 verilen ve k\u00f6yl\u00fclere ait olan kolektif topraklar\u0131n \u00f6zelle\u015ftirilmesi, milyonlarca k\u00f6yl\u00fcy\u00fc topra\u011f\u0131n\u0131 satmaya ve \u015fehirlere g\u00f6\u00e7 etmeye zorlad\u0131.<\/span><\/div>\n
\u2022\u00a0<\/span>Devlet Yoluyla Yeniden Da\u011f\u0131t\u0131m:<\/b> Devlet, bir yandan sosyal harcamalar\u0131 (e\u011fitim, sa\u011fl\u0131k) k\u0131sarken, di\u011fer yandan \u00fcst gelir gruplar\u0131 i\u00e7in devasa vergi indirimleri yapt\u0131. (\u00d6rne\u011fin Reagan d\u00f6neminde ABD’de en \u00fcst gelir dilimindeki vergi oran\u0131 %70’ten %28’e d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc). B\u00fcy\u00fck \u015firketlere verilen s\u00fcbvansiyonlar ve finansal kurtarma paketleri, serveti do\u011frudan halktan al\u0131p se\u00e7kinlere aktaran mekanizmalar haline geldi.\u00a0<\/span>Bu s\u00fcrecin ac\u0131mas\u0131z mant\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, 1997-98 Asya krizi s\u0131ras\u0131nda eski ABD Hazine Bakan\u0131 Andrew Mellon’a atfedilen \u015fu s\u00f6z m\u00fckemmel bir \u015fekilde \u00f6zetliyor:<\/span><\/div>\n
“Bir buhran s\u0131ras\u0131nda varl\u0131klar as\u0131l sahiplerine geri d\u00f6ner.”\u00a0<\/span><\/div>\n
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5. En Temel Vaadini Yerine Getiremedi: Ekonomik B\u00fcy\u00fcmeyi Sa\u011flayamad\u0131<\/b><\/div>\n
T\u00fcm bu sosyal maliyetlere ve artan e\u015fitsizli\u011fe ra\u011fmen, neoliberal politikalar\u0131n en temel me\u015fruiyet kayna\u011f\u0131, ekonomik b\u00fcy\u00fcmeyi canland\u0131raca\u011f\u0131 ve refah\u0131 art\u0131raca\u011f\u0131 vaadiydi. Peki, sonu\u00e7 ne oldu?<\/span><\/div>\n
Veriler, bu vaadin tam anlam\u0131yla bo\u015f \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6steriyor.<\/span><\/div>\n
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\u2022\u00a0<\/span>K\u00fcresel toplam b\u00fcy\u00fcme oranlar\u0131, sava\u015f sonras\u0131 “alt\u0131n \u00e7a\u011f” olarak an\u0131lan 1960’larda y\u0131ll\u0131k ortalama\u00a0<\/span>%3.5<\/b>\u00a0seviyesindeydi.<\/span><\/div>\n
\u2022\u00a0<\/span>Krizli 1970’lerde bile bu oran\u00a0<\/span>%2.4<\/b>‘e d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc.<\/span><\/div>\n
\u2022\u00a0<\/span>Neoliberalizmin k\u00fcresel \u00e7apta hakim oldu\u011fu 1980’lerde b\u00fcy\u00fcme oran\u0131\u00a0<\/span>%1.4<\/b>‘e, 1990’larda ise\u00a0<\/span>%1.1<\/b>‘e geriledi. 2000’den sonra ise bu oran ancak\u00a0<\/span>%1<\/b>‘e ula\u015fabildi.<\/span><\/div>\n
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K\u0131sacas\u0131, neoliberal d\u00f6nem, kendisinden \u00f6nceki “g\u00f6m\u00fcl\u00fc liberalizm” d\u00f6nemine k\u0131yasla k\u00fcresel \u00f6l\u00e7ekte \u00e7ok daha d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck bir ekonomik performans sergiledi. Tek sistematik ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131, genellikle y\u00fcksek i\u015fsizlik, artan e\u015fitsizlik, sosyal haklar\u0131n erozyonu ve gezegenin ya\u011fmalanmas\u0131 pahas\u0131na enflasyonu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcrmek oldu.<\/span><\/div>\n
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\u00dczerine D\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclecek Bir Soru<\/b><\/div>\n
Bu be\u015f ger\u00e7e\u011fi bir araya getirdi\u011fimizde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan tablo olduk\u00e7a net: Neoliberalizm, ekonomik bir mucize re\u00e7etesi olmaktan \u00e7ok, se\u00e7kinlerin g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc restore etmeyi ama\u00e7layan bir siyasi projeydi. “\u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck” s\u00f6ylemini piyasalar\u0131n \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 i\u00e7in yeniden tan\u0131mlad\u0131, teorisinin aksine g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ve m\u00fcdahaleci bir devlete dayand\u0131, yeni servet yaratmak yerine mevcut serveti m\u00fclks\u00fczle\u015ftirme yoluyla tepede toplad\u0131 ve en temel vaadi olan ekonomik b\u00fcy\u00fcmeyi sa\u011flamada ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131z oldu. <\/span>Bu ger\u00e7ekler \u0131\u015f\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz d\u00fcnyas\u0131nda bize sunulan ekonomik re\u00e7eteleri, “reform” paketlerini ve cafcafl\u0131 “\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck” s\u00f6ylemlerini yeniden sorgulamak bir zorunluluk haline geliyor. Yaz\u0131y\u0131 \u015fu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fc soruyla bitirelim:\u00a0<\/span>“E\u011fer son 40 y\u0131l\u0131n hakim ekonomik modeli, serveti tepede toplarken genel refah\u0131 art\u0131rmada ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131z olduysa, bug\u00fcn pe\u015finden ko\u015fmam\u0131z gereken ger\u00e7ek \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck ve refah nedir ve bu kimin yarar\u0131nad\u0131r?”<\/span><\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

“Neoliberalizm” kelimesini duydu\u011funuzda akl\u0131n\u0131za ne geliyor? Muhtemelen serbest piyasa ekonomisi, devletin k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fclmesi, bireysel \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckler ve giri\u015fimcilik ruhu gibi kavramlar canlan\u0131yordur. Bu kelime, son k\u0131rk y\u0131l\u0131n siyasi ve ekonomik tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131nda o kadar s\u0131k kullan\u0131ld\u0131 ki, anlam\u0131 adeta bu kavramlarla \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015fti.\u00a0Ancak bu yayg\u0131n kan\u0131, hikayenin tamam\u0131n\u0131 anlatmaktan \u00e7ok uzak. Hatta bu ekonomik sistemin k\u00f6kenleri, as\u0131l hedefleri ve […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[3],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-516","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-kavramlarkuramlar"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sosyolojikalan.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/516","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sosyolojikalan.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sosyolojikalan.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sosyolojikalan.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sosyolojikalan.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=516"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/sosyolojikalan.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/516\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":518,"href":"https:\/\/sosyolojikalan.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/516\/revisions\/518"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sosyolojikalan.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=516"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sosyolojikalan.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=516"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sosyolojikalan.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=516"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}