Marksizm denince akl\u0131n\u0131za ne geliyor? Muhtemelen ekonomi, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi, proletarya ve devrim gibi kavramlar. Bu imgeler yanl\u0131\u015f de\u011fil, ancak hik\u00e2yenin sadece ba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131. Karl Marx’\u0131n 19. y\u00fczy\u0131lda ortaya att\u0131\u011f\u0131 fikirler, 20. ve 21. y\u00fczy\u0131llarda d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrler taraf\u0131ndan o kadar \u015fa\u015f\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131 ve beklenmedik y\u00f6nlere \u00e7ekildi ki, Marx bug\u00fcn ya\u015fasayd\u0131, kendi ad\u0131yla an\u0131lan teorinin vard\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu duraklar\u0131 belki de tan\u0131yamazd\u0131. Bu yaz\u0131, Marksist ele\u015ftirinin sadece fabrikadan \u00e7\u0131k\u0131p g\u00fcndelik hayat\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n en mahrem k\u00f6\u015felerine \u2013 \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z ofislere, ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z \u015fehirlere ve inand\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z de\u011ferlere \u2013 nas\u0131l s\u0131zd\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6steren en sars\u0131c\u0131 fikirlerden baz\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 ortaya \u00e7\u0131karacak.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n
1. Odak Noktas\u0131 Ekonomi De\u011fil, K\u00fclt\u00fcr: Hegemonya Fikri<\/strong><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n Marksist teorinin her \u015feyi ekonomiye indirgeyen kat\u0131 bir determinizm oldu\u011funu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyorsan\u0131z, b\u00fcy\u00fck bir resmi ka\u00e7\u0131r\u0131yorsunuz demektir. \u0130talyan d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr Antonio Gramsci gibi teorisyenler, oda\u011f\u0131 ekonomik temelden k\u00fclt\u00fcrel \u00fcst yap\u0131ya kayd\u0131rarak oyunu tamamen de\u011fi\u015ftirdi. Gramsci’ye g\u00f6re y\u00f6netici s\u0131n\u0131f, toplumu sadece polis veya ordu zoruyla kontrol etmez. Bunun yerine, “hegemonya” ad\u0131n\u0131 verdi\u011fi \u00e7ok daha incelikli ve g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir mekanizma kullan\u0131r. Hegemonya, en basit tan\u0131m\u0131yla,\u00a0y\u00f6netici s\u0131n\u0131f taraf\u0131ndan icra edilen k\u00fclt\u00fcrel liderliktir.<\/strong>\u00a0Bu liderlik sayesinde, egemen s\u0131n\u0131f kendi d\u00fcnya g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc, de\u011ferlerini ve inan\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 toplumun geneline o kadar ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 bir \u015fekilde yayar ki, bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fler art\u0131k “sa\u011fduyu” ve “normal” olarak kabul edilir.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n Bunu g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczden bir \u00f6rnekle somutla\u015ft\u0131ral\u0131m: Gi\u015fe rekorlar\u0131 k\u0131ran Hollywood filmlerinin \u00e7o\u011fu, karma\u015f\u0131k toplumsal sorunlar\u0131 \u00e7\u00f6zenin kolektif bir m\u00fccadele de\u011fil, tek bir kahraman oldu\u011fu fikrini neden s\u00fcrekli i\u015fler? \u0130\u015fte bu, hegemonyan\u0131n i\u015fleyi\u015fidir. Bize, bireysel ba\u015far\u0131n\u0131n tek \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f yolu oldu\u011fu, sistemin kendisinin ise sorgulanamaz oldu\u011fu fikrini fark ettirmeden a\u015f\u0131lar. Bu, toplumsal kontrol\u00fcn ne kadar g\u00f6r\u00fcnmez ve derinden i\u015fledi\u011fine dair sars\u0131c\u0131 bir tespittir.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n Gramsci, hegemonya ile zorbal\u0131k aras\u0131ndaki fark\u0131 \u015f\u00f6yle a\u00e7\u0131klar:<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n Hegemonyay\u0131, “yasama veya y\u00fcr\u00fctme g\u00fcc\u00fc taraf\u0131ndan uygulanan veya polis m\u00fcdahalesiyle ifade edilen” zorbal\u0131ktan ay\u0131r\u0131r.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n Bu fikrin \u00f6nemi \u015fudur: E\u011fer tahakk\u00fcm sadece ekonomik de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ise, o zaman direni\u015f de sadece fabrikalarda de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda sanat, e\u011fitim ve medya gibi k\u00fclt\u00fcrel alanlarda da ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmelidir.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n 2. Ofisiniz Yeni Fabrika: Beyaz Yakal\u0131lar\u0131n Proleterle\u015fmesi<\/strong><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n Bu k\u00fclt\u00fcrel r\u0131za mekanizmas\u0131 toplumun geneline yay\u0131l\u0131rken, Gramsci’nin \u00f6ng\u00f6remedi\u011fi bir ba\u015fka alana daha s\u0131z\u0131yordu: 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n parlak ofislerine. Marx’\u0131n analizleri b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n fabrika i\u015f\u00e7ilerine odaklanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Peki ya bug\u00fcn\u00fcn modern ofis \u00e7al\u0131\u015fanlar\u0131? Harry Braverman,\u00a0Emek ve Tekelci Sermaye<\/em>\u00a0adl\u0131 \u00e7\u0131\u011f\u0131r a\u00e7an eserinde, Marx’\u0131n analizini modern ofis ortam\u0131na ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131. Braverman’a g\u00f6re, bir zamanlar uzmanl\u0131k ve \u00f6zerklik gerektiren beyaz yakal\u0131 i\u015fler, t\u0131pk\u0131 fabrika i\u015fleri gibi par\u00e7alanm\u0131\u015f, basitle\u015ftirilmi\u015f ve vas\u0131fs\u0131zla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n Braverman, bu s\u00fcreci “detay i\u015f\u00e7isi” kavram\u0131yla a\u00e7\u0131klar. Kapitalizm, b\u00fct\u00fcnc\u00fcl bir zanaat\u0131 al\u0131r, onu en k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck par\u00e7alar\u0131na ay\u0131r\u0131r ve her bir par\u00e7ay\u0131 farkl\u0131 bir \u00e7al\u0131\u015fana verir. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te sadece i\u015f s\u00fcreci de\u011fil, i\u015f\u00e7inin kendisi de par\u00e7alan\u0131r. Sermayedar, \u00f6nce i\u015f s\u00fcrecini par\u00e7alara ay\u0131r\u0131r ve ard\u0131ndan\u00a0“i\u015f\u00e7inin beceri ve yeteneklerinin sadece k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bir k\u0131sm\u0131n\u0131 kullanmas\u0131n\u0131 isteyerek i\u015f\u00e7iyi de par\u00e7alara ay\u0131r\u0131r.”<\/strong>\u00a0Bu durum, yarat\u0131c\u0131l\u0131k ve ele\u015ftirel d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnme yerine, dar bir \u015fekilde tan\u0131mlanm\u0131\u015f, tekrara dayal\u0131 g\u00f6revleri yerine getiren modern bilgi ekonomisi \u00e7al\u0131\u015fanlar\u0131 i\u00e7in ac\u0131 bir ger\u00e7ektir.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n Braverman, uzmanla\u015fman\u0131n insani maliyetini \u015fu \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 s\u00f6zlerle ifade eder:<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n Bireyin, insani yetenekler ve ihtiya\u00e7lar g\u00f6z ard\u0131 edilerek alt b\u00f6l\u00fcmlere ayr\u0131lmas\u0131, ki\u015fiye ve insanl\u0131\u011fa kar\u015f\u0131 i\u015flenmi\u015f bir su\u00e7tur.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n 3. Kapitalizm Sadece Ne Ald\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 De\u011fil, Nerede Ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 da \u015eekillendiriyor: Mek\u00e2n\u0131n \u00dcretimi<\/strong><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n T\u0131pk\u0131 Braverman’\u0131n ofis i\u015flerinin “do\u011fal” olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6stermesi gibi, Frans\u0131z d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr Henri Lefebvre de ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z \u015fehirlerin “do\u011fal” olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, aksine sermayenin mant\u0131\u011f\u0131na g\u00f6re “\u00fcretildi\u011fini” ortaya koydu. Lefebvre’e g\u00f6re kapitalizm, mek\u00e2n\u0131 sadece i\u00e7inde faaliyet g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi n\u00f6tr bir zemin olarak g\u00f6rmez; k\u00e2r\u0131 maksimize etmek i\u00e7in aktif olarak \u015fekillendirir. Bu,\u00a0“do\u011fan\u0131n ve toplumun topyek\u00fbn tahakk\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc”<\/strong>\u00a0i\u00e7eren ve mek\u00e2na\u00a0“insanlar\u0131n hayatlar\u0131n\u0131 ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir yerden \u00e7ok, matematiksel bir \u0131zgara gibi”<\/strong>\u00a0davranan “soyut mek\u00e2n” \u00fcretimidir.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n Bunun en bariz \u00f6rne\u011fi, 20. y\u00fczy\u0131lda otomobil end\u00fcstrisinin \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 do\u011frultusunda \u015fekillenen \u015fehirlerdir. Geni\u015f otoyollar ve banliy\u00f6ler, arabalara mutlak \u00f6ncelik verirken; yayalar\u0131, kom\u015fuluk ili\u015fkilerini ve toplu ta\u015f\u0131may\u0131 ikinci plana atm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu, insanlar\u0131n g\u00fcnl\u00fck ya\u015fam deneyimlerini temelden belirleyen bir tasar\u0131m tercihidir. Lefebvre, buna kar\u015f\u0131 insanlar\u0131n ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131na g\u00f6re \u015fekillenen, yarat\u0131c\u0131l\u0131\u011fa izin veren “farkl\u0131la\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f mek\u00e2n” alternatifini \u00f6nerir. Bu fikrin sars\u0131c\u0131 yan\u0131 \u015fudur: Y\u00fcr\u00fcd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz sokaklar\u0131n ve ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z evlerin d\u00fczeninin “verimli” oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in de\u011fil, belirli bir ekonomik sistemin \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131na hizmet etti\u011fi i\u00e7in bu \u015fekilde tasarland\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6sterir.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n 4. Nihai Hedef Art\u0131k Kom\u00fcnizm De\u011fil, “Radikal Demokrasi”<\/strong><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n Geleneksel Marksizm, tarihi tek bir b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma \u2013proletarya ile burjuvazi aras\u0131nda\u2013 olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcr ve nihai hedefi kom\u00fcnizmdir. Ancak Ernesto Laclau ve Chantal Mouffe gibi post-Marksist d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrler, bu senaryonun g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131n karma\u015f\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 yakalayamad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 savundular. Onlara g\u00f6re toplumsal m\u00fccadeleler sadece s\u0131n\u0131fa indirgenemez; kad\u0131nlar\u0131n, \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k kar\u015f\u0131tlar\u0131n\u0131n, \u00e7evrecilerin ve di\u011fer ezilen gruplar\u0131n m\u00fccadeleleri de en az s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi kadar merkezidir.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n Laclau ve Mouffe, proletaryay\u0131 tek devrimci \u00f6zne olarak g\u00f6rmekten vazge\u00e7erler. Onlara g\u00f6re solun hedefi, art\u0131k tek bir b\u00fcy\u00fck devrimle kom\u00fcnizme ula\u015fmak de\u011fil, mevcut liberal-demokratik sistemi “radikal ve \u00e7o\u011fulcu bir demokrasi” y\u00f6n\u00fcnde geni\u015fletmek ve derinle\u015ftirmektir. Peki bunu nas\u0131l yapacaklar? \u0130\u015fte burada, ilk b\u00f6l\u00fcmde g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz Gramsci’nin fikri kilit bir rol oynar. Laclau ve Mouffe’un projesi, farkl\u0131 demokratik m\u00fccadeleleri bir araya getirerek\u00a0yeni bir hegemonya<\/strong>\u00a0kurmakt\u0131r. Ama\u00e7, demokratik de\u011ferlerin hegemonyas\u0131n\u0131 tesis etmektir.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n Stratejilerini \u015f\u00f6yle \u00f6zetlerler:<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n Solun alternatifi, kendini tamamen demokratik devrim alan\u0131na yerle\u015ftirmek ve farkl\u0131 bask\u0131 m\u00fccadeleleri aras\u0131ndaki denklik zincirlerini geni\u015fletmekten olu\u015fmal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n Bu, Marksist projenin oda\u011f\u0131n\u0131 topyek\u00fbn bir sistem de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011finden, mevcut sistem i\u00e7indeki demokratik alanlar\u0131 radikalle\u015ftirmeye kayd\u0131ran devrimci bir yeniden yorumlamad\u0131r.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n 5. Kapitalizm Bir \u0130syanla De\u011fil, Kendi \u0130\u00e7 Mant\u0131\u011f\u0131yla \u00c7\u00f6kebilir<\/strong><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n Kapitalizmin sonunu ne getirecek? Klasik cevap “proletarya devrimi” olmu\u015ftur. Ancak Immanuel Wallerstein’in D\u00fcnya-Sistemi Teorisi, \u00e7ok daha farkl\u0131 ve rahats\u0131z edici bir olas\u0131l\u0131k sunar. Wallerstein,\u00a0karma\u015f\u0131k sistemler ve kaos teorisinden<\/strong>\u00a0yararlanarak, kapitalizmin do\u011fas\u0131 gere\u011fi s\u00fcrekli geni\u015flemek ve yeni k\u00e2r kaynaklar\u0131 bulmak zorunda olan k\u00fcresel bir sistem oldu\u011funu savunur. Ancak her krizde sistem, denge durumundan biraz daha uzakla\u015f\u0131r ve sonunda geri d\u00f6nemeyece\u011fi bir noktaya gelir.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n Daha somut bir ifadeyle Wallerstein, sistemin \u00fc\u00e7 temel \u00fcretim maliyetini \u2013personel, \u00fcretim girdileri ve vergiler<\/strong>\u2013 sonsuza kadar d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcremeyece\u011fini ve geni\u015fleyecek yeni co\u011frafi alanlar bulamayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 savunur. Bu noktaya gelindi\u011finde, sistemin temel amac\u0131 olan “sonsuz sermaye birikimi”, kapitalistlerin kendileri i\u00e7in bile imk\u00e2ns\u0131z hale gelir. Bu fikrin \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u015furadad\u0131r: Kapitalizmin sonunu getirecek olan \u015fey, ezilenlerin bir isyan\u0131 de\u011fil, sistemin kendi temel amac\u0131n\u0131 ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirememesi olabilir. Sistem, kendi ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n kurban\u0131 olarak kendi a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131 alt\u0131nda \u00e7\u00f6kebilir.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n Wallerstein bu fikri \u015f\u00f6yle peki\u015ftirir:<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n Oyun art\u0131k muma de\u011fmiyor – bu, kapitalistlerin kendileri i\u00e7in de giderek daha belirgin hale gelen bir \u015fey.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n ————————————————————————-<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n D\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnecek Bir Soru<\/strong><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n G\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc gibi, Marksist d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce tek ve kat\u0131 bir ekonomik teoriden \u00e7ok daha fazlas\u0131d\u0131r. Zamanla k\u00fclt\u00fcr, g\u00fcndelik hayat, mek\u00e2n ve demokrasinin do\u011fas\u0131 gibi alanlar\u0131 kapsayan, modern d\u00fcnyay\u0131 anlamak i\u00e7in bize g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ve \u00e7o\u011fu zaman rahats\u0131z edici ara\u00e7lar sunan dinamik bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce alan\u0131na evrilmi\u015ftir. Bu fikirler, g\u00fcc\u00fcn sadece ekonomide de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda en “do\u011fal” kabul etti\u011fimiz al\u0131\u015fkanl\u0131klar\u0131m\u0131zda ve ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z \u00e7evrelerde de gizlendi\u011fini g\u00f6steriyor. Peki, size g\u00f6re bu g\u00f6r\u00fcnmez g\u00fc\u00e7lerden (k\u00fclt\u00fcrel, mek\u00e2nsal veya sistemin kendi i\u00e7 mant\u0131\u011f\u0131) hangisi gelece\u011fimizi en \u00e7ok \u015fekillendirecektir?<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n \u00a0<\/p>\r\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Marksizm denince akl\u0131n\u0131za ne geliyor? Muhtemelen ekonomi, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi, proletarya ve devrim gibi kavramlar. Bu imgeler yanl\u0131\u015f de\u011fil, ancak hik\u00e2yenin sadece ba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131. Karl Marx’\u0131n 19. y\u00fczy\u0131lda ortaya att\u0131\u011f\u0131 fikirler, 20. ve 21. y\u00fczy\u0131llarda d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrler taraf\u0131ndan o kadar \u015fa\u015f\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131 ve beklenmedik y\u00f6nlere \u00e7ekildi ki, Marx bug\u00fcn ya\u015fasayd\u0131, kendi ad\u0131yla an\u0131lan teorinin vard\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu duraklar\u0131 belki de […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[3],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-35","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-kavramlarkuramlar"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sosyolojikalan.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/35","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sosyolojikalan.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sosyolojikalan.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sosyolojikalan.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sosyolojikalan.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=35"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/sosyolojikalan.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/35\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":168,"href":"https:\/\/sosyolojikalan.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/35\/revisions\/168"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sosyolojikalan.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=35"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sosyolojikalan.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=35"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sosyolojikalan.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=35"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}